January, 2011 - SUPPORT Summary of a systematic review | print this article |
Improving participation in preventive activities requires methods to encourage and sustain consumer engagement. This review assesses the effects of economic incentives such as monetary transfers (either cash or in kind) that are provided directly to individuals as a way of inducing preventive health-related behavioural change. Behaviours were classified either as ‘complex’ if a number of steps and sustained consumer changes were required, or as ‘simple’ if changes could be accomplished directly (e.g. immunisations).
The impact of individual behaviour on health outcomes and on the cost of healthcare is attracting considerable attention from policymakers. Financial incentives targeted at consumers are seen as interventions that could potentially increase the uptake of health-improving activities, by positively influencing their costs and benefits. A financial incentive is defined as a monetary transfer, either in cash or in kind, provided directly to individuals as a way to induce behav-ioural changes, including preventive ones.
Incentives, particularly financial incentives, are some of the most commonly studied methods of improving adherence. Typically, these are rooted in behavioural theories about the benefits of rewarding ‘good’ behaviour. Financial incentives, ideally, should motivate desired behaviours based on an understanding of both the underlying problem and the mechanisms through which financial incentives could help to influence change.
Disease prevention and health promotion strategies vary considerably: some require simple behavioural responses requiring only one finite action (such as being immunised). Others require complex behavioural changes that may include a number of steps that need to be sustained (e.g. weight control schemes, or smoking prevention programmes). Strategies that fall within this second group require greater psychological effort and significantly greater investments of time. Consumers therefore may be more strongly influenced by economic incentives associated with simple preventive services than those associated with complex decision making which require significant cognitive processing.
Review Objectives: To assess the impact of economic incentives targeted at motivating consumers to adopt and/or maintain preventive health behaviours | ||
/ | What the review authors searched for | What the review authors found |
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Interventions | ‘Economic incentive’ as a single intervention targeted at specific individuals. These included cash, gifts, lotteries, and other free or reduced-price goods and services provided for the benefit of consumers. Studies examining more than one payment system (e.g. health maintenance organisation versus fees for service were excluded). |
The 59 incentives identified were: 10 lotteries, 7 gifts, 11 cash incentives, 15 coupons for free or reduced price goods or non-medical services, 6 free or reduced price medical services, and 10 incentives involving negative reinforcement or the opportunity to avoid punishment. Several studies included additional intervention components, particularly social pressures. |
Participants |
Consumers saw themselves either as healthy or else they were physically at risk but had not yet been diagnosed. |
2 broad categories of participants were included. In 16 out of 24 studies of simple preventive care, vulnerable populations (drug users, teenage mothers, children from low-income families, and patients of public clinics and safety-net hospitals) were included. Of the 23 studies of complex behaviours, 19 included middle-class populations, recruited from work sites or from the general population. |
Settings |
Clinical and non-clinical settings such as worksites and community-based health promotions |
All studies were set in high-income countries: 41 in the United States of America (USA), 2 in the United Kingdom (UK), 2 in New Zealand, and 1 each in Australia and Denmark. |
Outcomes |
Simple and complex preventive behaviours. Simple behaviours: those actions that could be accomplished directly, usually within a single visit (e.g. immunisations). Complex behaviours: those actions requiring sustained behavioural change (e.g. diets). |
78% of incentives required a specific, target behaviour from the participant (e.g. attending a preventive service) as a condition for incentive distribution. The remainder required participants to attain a particular outcome. Simple preventive care studies used hard outcome measures. Studies of complex interventions also used self-reported outcomes. |
Date of most recent search: October 2002 | ||
Limitations: This is a systematic review of moderate quality. The search was not exhaustive and was limited to published English-language articles. Databases as the Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials and Embase were not searched. 27 of the 47 included studies provided only weak evidence. |
Kane RL, Johnson PE, Town RJ, Butler M. A structured review of the effect of economic incentives on consumers’ preventive behavior. Am J Prev Med. 2004 Nov;27(4):327-52. See in PubMed
Kane R, Johnson P, Town R, Butler M (2004) Economic Incentives for Preventive Care. Evidence Report/Technology Assessment No. 101 (Prepared by the University of Minnesota Evidence based Practice Center under Contract No. 290-02-0009. AHRQ Publication No. 04-E024-2. Rockville, MD. Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality. August 2004 (full report of the primary citation). See in PubMed
The review included 47 articles (with a combined total of 59 incentives), all which were set in high-income countries. Of these, 24 studies (19 randomised trials and 5 prospective quasi experimental trials) required simple preventive care behaviours from consumers: immunisation (7 studies); cancer screening tests (6); attendance at prenatal and postpartum checkups (4); attendance at HIV-AIDS/STD educa-tional sessions or the purchase of condoms (3); tuberculosis screening tests (2); attendance at a smoking prevention clinic and a cholesterol retest (1 each).
The remaining 23 studies (20 randomised trials and 3 prospective quasi experimental trials) required complex behavioural responses: attendance at a smoking cessation self-help programme requiring lab verified abstinence or the use of nicotine replacement patches/gum (10); attendance at weight loss educational sessions/weight loss (6); self reported progress on lifestyle goal changes or related actions (3); cholesterol level control (1); self-reported breastfeeding levels (1); and the use of coupons to purchase food (1).
Studies of simple preventive care (including immunisations, cancer screening and follow-up vis-its) were most frequently studied in vulnerable populations of low socio-economic status (SES): 16 of the 24 simple preventive studies, but only 4 of the 23 complex studies). In contrast, healthy, middle-class populations were the most frequent recruitment bases for studies of complex health promotion lifestyle changes.
Overall, 43 of the 59 incentives (73%) achieved short-term positive results. Only 7 of the 24 simple preventive care studies, and 14 of the 23 complex preventive care studies provided a theoretical basis for the economic incentives selected. It was unclear how the incentives that appeared to be associated with behavioural changes actually worked.
Incentives that increased the ability of consumers to purchase preventive services worked better than more diffuse incentives. However, the type of incentive mattered less than the specific nature of the incentive, considering that statistically significant and nonsignificant differences were found for the same classes of incentives.
Economic incentives are effective in the short-term for simple preventive care and distinct, well-defined, behavioral goals, but such effectiveness was not sustained, particularly for complex behaviours. Of the four studies that checked for long-term results, all of the significantly improved measures had returned to their original levels.
Direct economic incentives that enhanced purchasing behaviour (e.g. through the reduction of the price of a service) had a positive impact in 6 of the 7 simple behaviour studies (86%) and in 7 of the 8 (88%) complex studies. Coupons, which were perceived by consumers to be more convenient and flexible, were preferred to gifts. Both studies in which coupon incentives were compared to gift incentives, showed the former to be more effective. Small incentives are able to produce finite changes but it is unclear what size of incentive is needed to yield major, sustained effects. There is minimal evidence of a dose response within consumer research. The higher the cash incentives provided, the greater the responses were to the incentive. Coupons, more convenient and flexible, were preferred to gifts.
Adopting and/or maintaining preventive health behaviours |
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Patient or population: Consumers who are healthy or physically at risk Settings: Clinical and non-clinical such as work sites and community-based health promotion settings Intervention: Economic incentives to consumers Comparison: No economic incentives to consumers |
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Outcomes | Impact |
Number of participants |
Quality of the evidence |
Comments |
Simple preventive behaviours |
Positive findings reported for 25 of the 34 incentives (74%): cash, coupons*, free medical services** and punishment*** (75 to 100%); lottery and gifts (40%). |
(24 studies) |
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Simple behaviours could be directly accomplished (e.g. a single visit to receive an immunisation). |
Complex preventive behaviours |
Positive findings reported for 18 of the 25 incentives (72%): lottery, gift and punishment*** (80 to 100%); cash, coupon*, free medical services** (50 to 65%). |
(23 studies) |
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Complex behaviours require sustained change (e.g. diet). |
p: p-value GRADE: GRADE Working Group grades of evidence (see above and last page) |
Findings | Interpretation* |
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APPLICABILITY | |
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EQUITY | |
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ECONOMIC CONSIDERATIONS | |
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MONITORING & EVALUATION | |
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*Judgements made by the authors of this summary, not necessarily those of the review authors, based on the findings of the review and consultation with researchers and policymakers in low- and middle-income countries. For additional details about how these judgements were made see: http://www.support-collaboration.org/summaries/methods.htm |
Related literature
Giuffrida A, Torgerson DJ. Should we pay the patient? Review of financial incen-tives to enhance patient compliance. BMJ 1997;315:703-7.
Bosch-Capblanch X, Abba K, Prictor M, Garner P. Contracts between patients and healthcare practitioners for improving patients’ adherence to treatment, prevention and health promotion activities. In: Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd; 2007.
Oxman A, Fretheim A. An overview of research on the effects of results-based financing. Rapport fra Kunnskapssenteret 2008.
Lagarde M, Haines A, Palmer N. The impact of conditional cash transfers on health outcomes and use of health services in low and middle income countries. Cochrane Database Syst Rev 2009:CD008137.
This summary was prepared by
Agustín Ciapponi, and Sebastián García Martí, Argentine Cochrane Centre IECS - Institute for Clinical Effectiveness and Health Policy - Iberoamerican Cochrane Network, Argentina
Conflict of interest
None declared. For details, see: Conflicts of Interest
Acknowledgements
This summary has been peer reviewed by: Atle Fretheim, Norway; Mary Butler, USA
This summary should be cited as
Ciapponi A, García Martí S. Do economic incentives for consumers improve their preventive behaviour? A SUPPORT Summary of a systematic review. January 2011.